By Glenn M. Schwartz, John J. Nichols
Ranging greatly around the close to East, the Aegean, East Asia, Mesoamerica, and the Andes, those cross-cultural reviews extend our knowing of social evolution by way of interpreting how societies have been reworked in the course of the interval of radical swap now termed “collapse.” They search to find how societal complexity reemerged, how second-generation states shaped, and the way those re-emergent states resembled or differed from the complicated societies that preceded them.
The members draw on fabric tradition in addition to textual and ethnohistoric information to think about such elements as preexistent associations, constructions, and ideologies which are influential in regeneration; monetary and political resilience; the position of social mobility, marginal teams, and peripheries; and ethnic switch. as well as offering a few theoretical viewpoints, the individuals additionally suggest the reason why regeneration occasionally doesn't happen after cave in. A concluding contribution through Norman Yoffee presents a serious exegesis of “collapse” and highlights vital styles present in the case histories regarding peripheral areas and secondary elites, and to the ideology of statecraft.
After Collapse blazes new examine trails in either archaeology and the examine of social switch, demonstrating that the archaeological checklist usually deals extra clues to the “dark a while” that precede regeneration than do text-based reviews. It opens up a brand new window at the earlier through transferring the point of interest clear of the increase and fall of historical civilizations to their usually extra telling fall and rise.
Bennet Bronson, Arlen F. Chase, Diane Z. Chase, Christina A. Conlee, Lisa Cooper, Timothy S. Hare, Alan L. Kolata, Marilyn A. Masson, Gordon F. McEwan, Ellen Morris, Ian Morris, Carlos Peraza Lope, Kenny Sims, Miriam T. Stark, Jill A. Weber, Norman Yoffee
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Extra info for After Collapse: The Regeneration of Complex Societies
Glacis fortifications, most convincingly dated to MB II, were built around the site, and a mud-brick city wall was erected on top of them. Changes in the economy of Umm el-Marra accompany changes in the spatial organization of the site from MB I to MB II. Building on the animalprocessing economy already evident in EB IVB and MB I, Umm el-Marra’s MB II inhabitants further intensified the processing of equid carcasses at the Acropolis West. Equid bones are found there in unprecedentedly high concentrations, representing about 34 percent of the total number of animal bones found and about 68 percent of the faunal samples’ total weight.
Interestingly, this architectural feature is manifested again in the regenerated settlement of Munbaqa, where the long, well-preserved stretch of the MB town wall features a strikingly similar pattern of alternating buttresses and recesses (Machule et al. 1993:76‒77). Finally, we may consider the long-roomed “temple-in-antis” structure (Steinbau 1) at the site of Munbaqa, excavated on the summit of the mound. Its original foundations appear to have been constructed in the Early Bronze Age, when the building featured a small cult room with a stepped podium (Orthmann and Kühne 1974:59–65).
One can note this phenomenon at Halawa, for example, where the MB inhabitants even reused the foundations of the earlier EB buildings, integrating the remains into the foundations of new houses (Orthmann 1989:23). It is also interesting to note that at Halawa, in the case of at least one sector of the city, the function of that quarter remained the same. Quadrant Q, which in the Early Bronze Age was the principal domestic area of the settlement, continued in that capacity into the Middle Bronze Age, implying that the later inhabitants were well aware of the configuration of the earlier settlement and retained that layout (Orthmann 1989:22).