By Sian Lewis
Tyrants are greater than simply the antithesis of democracy or the mark of political failure: they come up in accordance with social and political pressures. collecting jointly writings via top historians, political theorists, and philosophers, this ebook is a comparative examine of the autocratic rulers and dynasties of classical Greece and Rome and the altering suggestions of tyranny of their political notion and culture.
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It is a narrow yet very informative quantity on old Greek horsemen with certain connection with the cavalry of Taras in southern Italy. it's going to be famous that there's a outstanding loss of reference fabric (both writeen and pictorial) on Tarantine horsemen themselves, hence the majority of the dialogue here's really acceptable to such a lot Grecian riders of the Hellenic and Hellentistic classes.
Mit dem funften Buch der Kegelschnitte erreicht die antike Mathematik einen Hohepunkt. Apollonius fuhrt darin die erste bekannte Theorie der Maxima- und Minima-Linien aus, die von den Mathematikern zu Beginn des 10. und vor allem des 17. Jahrhunderts wieder aufgegriffen wurde. Ebenso wie die folgenden beiden Bucher VI und VII ist dieses Buch, dessen griechische Original-Fassung verloren ist, nur in der arabischen Ubersetzung erhalten, die im nine.
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Extra info for Ancient Tyranny
First, although some Sicel communities may have paid tribute to the Deinomenid tyrants, many Sicel towns retained their autonomy. 25). Rather than clamouring for their liberation, Ducetius’ forces should be seen as taking advantage of a period of weakness and social unrest within the Greek city-states to carve out a greater territory for themselves. Second, the notion of a Sicel revolt reintroduces the Greek–Sicel binary that many critics of Hellenisation want to avoid. The Sicels themselves were not totally unified: the Sicel settlement and major cultic centre of Hybla refused Ducetius and fifth-century Sicilian tyranny 41 to join Ducetius’ synteleia.
Rep. 1). It is often assumed that Tarquinius Priscus, as the first monarch of the so-called ‘Etruscan’ dynasty, comes to power in a manner at odds with this established practice. 1), while an interregnum is also implied by Cicero (Rep. 35) in the earliest surviving continuous account of the Roman monarchy. 2), and once in power, he enrols his own supporters in the senate. Apparently, then, he bases his power on popular rather than aristocratic support. Oddly, Servius, the founder of many of Rome’s political and religious institutions, is the first king to take power contrary to the ‘constitutional’ procedure.
His behaviour, Cicero says, made the title of ‘king’ hateful to the Romans (Rep. 62, cf. 64). 30 In Livy, the references are not to bad kings but to bad old Tarquinius Superbus. 6, Cic. Rep. 53); Augustine comments that a change of name might have done just as well (Civ. 16). 3, cf. 1). 11). Superbus’ characterisation in the tradition as a tyrant is important because it specifically distances him from the legitimate, honoured kingship of Numa and the rest. 32 It is, however, quite possible that the historical Superbus was indeed a tyrant, and that his nickname could have arisen at an early date, perhaps even during his reign.